7 Fashion Trends To Take Over The World In 2022

 Fashion has always been a way to express oneself, whether through style or design. From the beginning of time, humans have been dressing themselves up in clothes and accessories. This trend continues today, and no matter where you go, you’ll see people wearing fashionable clothing.

This year, we saw new trends emerge from the fashion industry. While some of these trends will continue to develop, others will fade away. Here are 7 trends that Jesse Keyes predict will dominate the fashion scene for the rest of the year.

1. Miniskirts

Miniskirts were ” The Thing’ in fashion in 2022. This was due to their practicality and ease of use. Because they were so practical, women could wear them while working and still look professional. Women didn’t have to worry about getting caught out in public wearing something inappropriate. They were comfortable enough to wear while at work, and they were fashionable enough to wear outside of the office.

In addition, many people felt that miniskirts were a symbol of empowerment. As a result, many women wore them to show off their independence. They weren’t afraid to express themselves, and they knew that they had the right to do so.

2. Blazers

Blazers have been around since the the last century, but they became extremely popular in the fashion industry after the year 2022. In the year 2022, blazers were worn by both men and women alike. Women wore them with skirts and dresses while men wore them with pants and shorts. Blazers were worn throughout the entire world and were seen everywhere. 

Now the designers have begun using them in their collections and even had celebrities wearing them in public events. The popularity grew exponentially, and in 2022, the blazer became a major fashion trend. They are no longer just for the office, but also for casual outings and special occasions, concludes Jesse Keyes. 

3. Oversized Jackets

In the past, oversized jackets were only worn by men who wanted to appear larger than they actually were. However, women started wearing oversized coats and jackets in order to hide their body shape and give off a sense of confidence. In fact, some women even wore oversized coats over swimsuits in order to make themselves feel more comfortable. Fashion trends have always been changing, and designers often try to find ways to stand out from others.  

Even though oversized jackets were initially designed for men, they eventually became a staple piece of clothing for both genders. If you live in a colder climate area, then you should definitely invest in a jacket that’s big enough to help you stay warm.

4. Raver Style

The popularity of raver style was due to its versatility in terms of design and function. Its popularity rose when people started to wear them as casual clothing. When they were worn as casual attire, ravers became the trendiest thing to have.

Due to their unique designs, ravers became the favorite choice for many celebrities. Their popularity increased when they became the go-to choice for celebrities who wanted to be different. Rave styles are also known to be comfortable. Because of this, ravers became the ideal choice for those who want to look good while working out.

5. Shiny Things

In 2022, people became obsessed with shiny things. Not only were they shiny, but they had some sort of special effect to them. People wanted their clothes to have a glowy effect, whether it was from reflective metals or neon-colored fabrics. Fashion designers started using these materials almost exclusively, even though they weren’t always practical or good quality. As the time went by, the fashion industry kept pushing the boundaries of what could be considered beautiful. 

6. Loose Pants

Loose pants are comfortable because they don’t have pockets. Pockets are annoying. No one wants their hands full of things while walking around. If you’re wearing loose pants, you’ll be able to walk comfortably without having to worry about carrying anything. 

Moreover, If you wear tight clothes, you look fat. But if you wear loose clothes, you look slim. There’s no denying it. This plus them being super comfortable to wear has made them one of the staples in the world of fashion, points out Jesse.

7. Bright Bags

In 2022, bright bags became extremely popular among the fashion industry. In fact, they have become the preferred choice of many designers. These bags are designed to make any outfit look fresh and vibrant.

• They Make Any Outfit Look Fresh

One of the reasons why bright colors are so fashionable is that they instantly refresh any outfit. When you combine a bright bag with a simple white shirt or black pants, you get a look that is both stylish and refreshing.

• They Can Be Used As A Statement Piece

Bright bags are perfect for those who want to make a statement. You can wear one with jeans or shorts, and the contrast between the two makes a statement.

• They Add Color Without Being Too Overwhelming

Bright bags are great if you want to add color without being overwhelming. They give off a subtle yet vibrant vibe that doesn’t overpower your outfit.

So, if you are looking for a way to make your outfits pop, then bright bags might just be the answer for you, claims Jesse.

Final Words

In short, the world of fashion is constantly evolving and changing. Every year, designers experiment with colors, shapes, fabrics, and prints to come up with their signature look. Some trends stick around for years, while new ones emerge every season. These seven trendy items pointed out by Jesse Keyes will help you keep up with the turbulent changes in the industry.

New York City Nightlife History - Jesse Keyes

The historical transformations and disruptions of New York Citynightlife are contextually instructive. Beginning with the Industrial Revolution, which brought hundreds of thousands of low wage low skill laborers streaming into the city, nightlife became an integral part of New York’s cultural fabric. From vaudeville acts that pushed the limits of social propriety, to operettas that harkened back to the homelands of Italy and Germany, nightlife activitieswere entrenched in New York’s economic structure.

I willexplore Prohibition, which spurred an explosion in the number and cultural impact of speakeasies that followed. Longstanding local bars were made illegal; that change, combined with an increasing social openness to broad female participation in nightlife activities, created an opening for illegal drinking establishments to both put on entertainment--particularly in the form of that uniquely American musical tradition, Jazz--and to encourage the social comingling of men and women. Jesse Keyes said the Following WWII, the supperclub, made famous by the likes of the Stork Club and the Latin Quarter, became a dominant form of night time activity, offering sophisticated dining, high concept entertainment and a place to do every kind of business imaginable. The historical trajectory reveals yet another stageprior to the currentcomplex variabletypology of nightlife--the often lawless, drug-infused but artistically supportive milieus of the discos, massive nightclubs and underground music scenes--typified by Studio 54, the Tunnel and CBGB’s, respectively--that blossomed during the City’s economic decline of the 70’s and 80’s.

Planning and Nightlife

Jesse Keyes share The thesis will also examine the history of the interaction between planning authorities and the nightlife industry in New York City. Of particular interest will be four elements of conflict and question that derive from nightlife and make their way into the public sphere: alcohol, noise, dancing and crime. The City, using its public powers, has dealt variably with these issues over time through the following planning bodies: the New York State Liquor Authority, the New York City Department of Environmental Protection, the New York City Department of Consumer Affairs and the New York Police Department, respectively. The thesis will explore these agencies and their policy approaches to the regulation of nightlife.

 

 

Developer Jesse Keyes turns unconventional into bold statement

 If there was ever a case of a building perfectly mirroring its developer, it would be One Seventh and Jesse Keyes. Both are angular, ultra-chic, smart and aggressive. Both are also making their emphatic debut on the New York architecture and style worlds.

Built on a 45-degree angle at the juncture of four different streets where Seventh Ave. South meets Varick and Carmine Sts., One Seventh resembles a hulking helm of a slick, futuristic boat or space-age flying machine. Six stories tall with just four units, the corner building shaped in an angular prism has a façade of manganese ironspot brick and Solarban 80 double-paned glass.

The side of the building on Seventh Ave. South that parallels the rush of autos making their way to Tribeca or the Holland Tunnel has bold racing stripes and competing slabs of vertical windows. On the mellower Carmine St., Juliet balconies face the local cafes, old-time Spanish restaurants and bootleg record stores. One Seventh blends seamlessly with its intersection and has gainied total community board support.

"No developer would take a chance on this site, which was operated as a gas station since the 1920s and unused for almost a decade," says Jesse Keyes, 35, an investor in the swank Goldbar and a partner in La Esquina, one of New York's hippest eateries. "They said it was too small or that the shape wouldn't work. I saw it as an opportunity. We took design risks with this project that architects generally do with museums and public spaces."

Designed by Rogers Marvel Architects, the same firm recently awarded the Governors Island commission, One Seventh is allegedly the world's first full-floor triangular residence. To make the project work financially, Keyes' development firm REcappartners worked with zoning attorneys Charles Rizzo & Associates to help get a variance to build higher than the allowed three floors. On top of the building, Keyes built a penthouse duplex with two outdoor terraces, both of which lean toward the corner angle.

"The question we had to answer was, how does one live in a triangle," says Keyes, who plays a hand in every design decision. "When I picture who is going to live here, I see an investment banker with an artist inside or an artist with a lot of money. I see the banker sitting totally naked in a chaise longue at the apex of the 45-degree angle, looking out at the cars driving down Seventh Ave., on the phone with his friends, thinking: 'How am I going to own this town tonight?'"

With hardly any marketing, they have two offers for the four units. One from a banker, the other from the son of a Spanish film producer. Prudential Douglas Elliman's Kevin King, a two-year agent who happens to be the long-time maitre d' at Balthazar, heads up sales. The three 1,371-square-foot, two-bedroom, two-bath apartments are listed for $1,995,000. The 2,106-square-foot, three-floor penthouse with 961 square feet of outdoor space costs $4.45 million.

"We're waiting till the units are completely finished until we formally sell the apartments," says King. "A finished product will show how unique this project is and assure we get what it's worth."

Jesse Keyes comes from both sides of the tracks. His parents were hippies. His mother, a lesbian, split from his father but stayed in Redwood City, Calif., supporting her two children as a gardener. As Jesse puts it, they lived on the "wrong side of the tracks." Ironically, she tended gardens near Jesse's father's estate in Woodside, Calif.

"Mom was a real hippie, and dad was a pseudo-hippie," says Keyes, who was called "Blanquito," or little white boy by his Pueblo Mexican barrio neighbors. "Half the time I was in my poor Mexican 'hood with my mom and the other half with a swimming pool, Mercedes, Porsches and horses with my dad."

Keyes talks openly about his desire but inability to communicate with his Spanish-speaking neighbors. He talks openly about almost everything, especially his drive to never stop learning or moving.

"There's a point where you grow up in suburbia that you say I'm either going to get stuck in this for the rest of my life or do something fascinating or interesting," he says. "I was visiting a friend in Mexico City when I was 17 years old. We were in his family's penthouse and I was looking over the slums of the city, whose people needed major help at the time. I thought to myself, we as capitalists need to do better for these people. It was then that I knew I needed to focus on this for the rest of my life."

For Keyes, that meant Princeton, a year in Spain to learn the language, a Fulbright Fellowship and a master's in architecture in Catalonia, a Kinne Fellowship in the Dominican Republic, a job with the prestigious Boston Consultant Group, a master's in real estate from Columbia University, a doctoral candidacy and teaching fellow at Rutgers University in Urban Planning, and roles in the Gore and Kerry presidential campaigns.

"My father is good friends with Gore from St. Albans," says Keyes, whose great-grandfather on his father's side was Democratic Senator Morris Sheppard from Texas who championed Prohibition and women's rights. "My goal was eventually to work in Housing and Urban Development [HUD]. After those two losses, I planned to teach and research through my 30s. But academia, especially in our current political climate, was not as fulfilling as I thought. Building strong architectural projects is a way to make my mark and some money. Eventually, I will get back into affordable housing and giving back in some way."

Keyes' next project is already a major coup for him and New York. Working with Habita, a Mexican group known globally for designing and operating some of the world's chicest boutique hotels, Keyes will open a Mexican-themed, mixed-use hotel and condo project in a location below Houston St. on the East Side. Mexican architect Enrique Norton, who designed One York on Canal St. in New York and the Guggenheim in Guatemala, is an equity partner in the project.

"I want to make a unique statement and be part of the next big place," says Keyes, whose groomed beard and middle-parted hair give him the look of Al Pacino in "Serpico." "You hope it doesn't become something like what happened in the Meatpacking District, which had little thought and planning and became oversaturated with the same product, bars and restaurants. There should be mixed use there. And the Hotel Gansevoort is a mistake. I don't know how they got that built."

Slightly controlling, obsessive about details, and intellectually strategic, Keyes even wrote the copy for the One Seventh marketing materials. (I haven't met a developer yet who does that.) He prefers to focus on one project at a time as opposed to stretching himself thin and losing touch with the day-to-day decisions that these high-design projects demand.

"Scalability will be hard because for each project I'm looking for a specific art and message," says Keyes. "In any case, when you get bigger you lose control over certain levers, and I don't want that to happen."

Still, according to Thaddeus Briner, the architect for One Seventh, formerly of Rogers Marvel (and I.M. Pei's firm) and now on his own, Keyes is a very good client. "This was a dream project," says Briner. "It combined a really challenging site with an extremely progressive client. Those don't come along very often."

Resource:- https://www.nydailynews.com/life-style/real-estate/developer-jesse-keyes-turns-unconventional-bold-statement-article-1.339485

A Nightlife Occupational Approach - Jesse Keyes

 “An occupational approach places skills, or what economists often call human capital, at the center of the economic development process.”[1] Jesse Keyes gives the approach looks to understand success as based “deeply on talents and synergy in the local economy, and these may be better understood and tapped by identifying skill sets and talents embedded in occupations.”[2]I will segment nightlife workers into four unique, identifiable groups based on the functions they perform, and implicit objectives of their employ: Sojourners (including maître d’s, servers and bartenders) most often associated with those who see their work as a social and economic pathway to other, often creative, careers; Careerists, the floor and general managers,who view nightlife as a profession for the long run,and who number a small percentage of the business; Cooks in the kitchen who also see nightlife as a career move and who are paid lower middle--though at times higher income--salaries; and Low Wage Workers, engaged in repetitive manual labor activities, most frequently immigrants, who work extended overtime hours to earn little, with meager opportunities to advance occupationally.[3] The development of these segments derives primarily from my 10 years active in the industry as an investor, owner, designer, and manager, aimedto develop the most distinct lens to view the divergences in human capital developed throughout the segments.The Census Occupation Codes of 2010 were also analyzed and then employed to match the thesis groupings with a vast array of Occupation Titles, but more broadly to blend those Census Standard Occupational Codes associated with the nightlife industry[4]within the nomenclature used for the thesis nightlife worker typology.

As defined by Richard Florida, the Creative Class includes scientists, engineers, artists, musicians, designers and knowledge-based professionals.Given that wide scope, the categorization has been widely criticized as a “fuzzy” means to understand the specific attributes of any one occupational group, for all occupations contain the possibility of creative engagement. Further, inclusion in Florida’s creative class can be conflated,simply,with the criteria of merely having high educational levels. A more well fleshed out and specific occupational marker is seen in the work of Markusen, who, in a focused manner, refers, simply, to “artists.”So called “Bohemians” are composed ofartistic professionals, artists, writers, designers, film makers, performing artistsand musicians.I hypothesize that this category of would-be artists working in nightlife is most often found employed as Sojourners, and, as explained below, it is this category to which I will pay particular attention.

Jesse Keyes said, The new occupational titles implemented in the late 1990’s by the official Census “remain tightly tied to educational content, despite a desire to base them on what people do rather than what they know.”[5] This is of particular interest in the thesis as it exploresSojourners who identify themselves as would be artists.The focus is analytically, and even demographically, important as the number of Bohemians has steadily increased over time in the Unites States where “there were roughly 250 bohemians for every 100,000 Americans in 1900, a figure that increased to roughly 350 by 1950…before reaching 900 for every 100,000 in 1999.”[6]

As mentioned, emphasizing the analytical approach recommended byMarkusen, Iwill employ the “stereo view” of economic activity via both the establishment approach,seeking to understand the nightlife industry from the economic activity and size of New York City venues,as well as the occupational approach, looking at the human capital embedded in the four nightlife employee segments (Sojourners, Careerists, Cooks, Low Wage Workers) outlined here.

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[1]Markusen and King, 7.

[2] Ibid.

[3] “Low WageWorkers” often defined as “workers whose hourly wage rates are so low that even if they worked full time, full year their annual earnings would fall below the poverty line for a family of four,” as developed in Pamela

Loprest, et al. (2009). “Who are Low Wage Workers?”ASPE Research Brief,January. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute.

[4] The 2010, Census Occupation Codes describing employee groups under study: 4000-4160.

[5]Ann Markusen, “Urban Development and Politics of a Creative Class: Evidence from the Study of Artists,” Environment and Planning A (Vol. 38, No. 10:1921-1940, 2006), 4.

[6] Richard Florida, The Rise of the Creative Class…and How It’s Transforming Work, Leisure, Community, & Everyday Life (Cambridge, MA: Perseus, 2002), 46.

Resource:- https://www.evernote.com/client/web?_sourcePage=M8n_qExRgUTiMUD9T65RG_YvRLZ-1eYO3fqfqRu0fynRL_1nukNa4gH1t86pc1SP&__fp=XMcPi1X6Cq83yWPvuidLz-TPR6I9Jhx8&hpts=1599788764433&showSwitchService=true&usernameImmutable=false&login=&login=Sign+in&login=true&hptsh=QaKIoNfy8uNf0fe9UA1aGjhCkAE%3D#?an=true&n=33a62f6e-d802-c646-3b7a-5c5776889b47&

Nightlife and the Cultural Economy - Jesse Keyes

 The first two research questions key in on economic aspects frequently analyzed in studies evaluating the importance, relevance and significance of a particular industry, the third question explores the people, their relationships and skills garnered from theirindustry experiences. The combination of delving into economic activity and social capacity has been deemed a “stereo view” of analytics by Markusen.

Empirical data collection will proceed via original data collected through qualitative elite and semi-structured group interviews of nightlife owners and employees. These qualitative interviews will be drawn from the membership list of the New York City Nightlife Alliance and the New York State Restaurant Association, and the author’s personal database of industry actors.

Data collection will focus oneconomic aspects of nightlife establishments as well asemployee income and expenditure patterns. In so doing, it will provide a rich description and support to the literature with the goal of quantifying the size of the New York City nightlife industry, as well as an empirically-informed framework for the second stage investigation, which involves the case study approach.

To contextualize the interaction between invested capital and the human capital of the nightlife labor pool, I will conduct two contrasting case studies. As a “research strategy which focuses on understanding the dynamics present within single settings,”[1]the case study approach is particularly apt for thisanalysis of the nightlife industry as an economic and cultural foundation for labor development. The mechanics of the case studies will involve secondary source analyses, personal observation, and interviews.

 Jesse Keyes will study two Manhattan venues: Lavo is a heavy turnover, large club and restaurant in Midtown; La Esquina is a small, varied and food oriented nightlife spot in Little Italy. In the context of the qualitative and quantitative findings from the first stage of data collection, these case studies will be informed by the methodological approach of Eisenhardt, designed in such a way to be both descriptive as to capital sourcing and revenue origination, and the study of labor income and activity as per the research questions, as well as to test the occupational approach to viewing economic activity.

The combination of the first stage of qualitative and primary research, and the second stage case studies, will afford me the opportunity to engage in a mixed mode analysis, to better triangulate the empirical bases for my responses to the three key research questions, and to assist in shedding light on appropriate public policy prescriptions.

Elizabeth Currid writes that nightlife is central to the activities of the cultural economy: “These separate industries operate within a fluid economy that allows creative industries to collaborate with one another, review each other’s products, and offer jobs that cross-fertilize and share skill sets.”[2] Nightlife activities open cultural economic products to a market that is given a “value by experts…the gatekeepers, the tastemakers.”[3]

Susan Fainsteindemonstrated that, after the fiscal crisis of the mid-1970’s, “[New York City] government’s previous commitments to welfare and the impoverished neighborhoods diminished and economic growth became the lodestar of its endeavors.”[4] In the midst of thatdecline, however, NYC nightlife saw steady economic growth and an increased presence in the city’s cultural fabric.

A ten year old study, which outlines a limited definition of nightlife, states that as of 2003, the nightlife industry generated $9.7 billion in economic activity,[5] sustaining 95,000 jobs and $2.6 billion in earnings, with some $400 million going to the city in tax revenues.[6]An up to date and comprehensivedefinition of nightlife that includes restaurants, nightlife establishments, destination hotels and industry suppliers, as defined by the newly formed New York Hospitality Association, would reveala nightlife industry generating an even larger share of the overall economy.  Jesse Keyes said The proposed dissertation will aim to develop a more precise as well as broader metric by which to define the size and impact of New York City’s nightlife economy.

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[1]Kathleen M. Eisenhardt, “Building Theories from Case Study Research,” The Academy of Management Review(Vol 14, No 4: 532-550. Oct., 1989), 534.

[2]Currid, 7.

[3]Currid, 5.

[4] Susan Fainstein, The Just City (Ithica and London: Cornell University Press), 93.

[5] Responsible Hospitality Institute, “Measuring the Economic Impact of Nightlife,” prepared for the New York Nightlife Association(2004): 2.

[6] The New York Nightlife Association is run by a club owner, and as a private membership association evaluation that (a) is a decade old, and (b) was not conducted with academic rigor, thus casting questions on its reliablity. Also, in that footnote you could point out, perhaps, that your definition of the “nightlife industry” is broader than this report’s.

 

Three Sides to This Condo Story - Jesse Keyes

FOR developers, triangular buildings have often posed a bit of a problem.

If lined with enough windows, their tapered corners can draw generous amounts of sunlight. But how do you squeeze conventionally sized furniture into all those sharp points?

“A big couch or a grand piano is going to fit much more easily into a rectangle,” said Carol Willis, the founder and director of New York’s Skyscraper Museum, which has featured exhibits about the Flatiron Building, a well-known three-sided Manhattan edifice.

“It’s why residential developers have mostly stayed away from them,” she said.

But that’s changing with One 7th, a new triangular luxury condominium in the West Village, whose distinctive glass prow juts from the meeting point of Carmine Street and Seventh Avenue South.

The developer, Jesse Keyes, a principal of the New York-based REcappartners, whose portfolio is entirely residential buildings, including properties in Indonesia and the Dominican Republic, says ship allusions are apt.

“Looking out from the point is like floating on the water, with a feeling of movement from Seventh Avenue,” Mr. Keyes said.

Three of the four units in the building, which is sheathed in gray brick with manganese flecks, share the same size and layout, with two bedrooms, two baths and 1,300 square feet.

Living rooms occupy their glass points, which measure 46 degrees, Mr. Keyes said, while the master bath showers take up the 44-degree northern angle.

One 7th also contains a duplex penthouse, with three bedrooms, three baths and 2,100 square feet of space, as well as 900 square feet of private outdoor space, split between upper and lower terraces.

Throughout, the finishes include walnut floors and stainless steel counters. Each residence will also have a 45-square-foot basement storage space. Construction, which began in June 2006, is expected to be finished in October, Mr. Keyes said.

For the two-bedrooms, prices are $1.95 million to $2.05 million, and the penthouse is $4.45 million, according to Kevin King, an agent for Prudential Douglas Elliman, which is handling sales.

No units have sold yet, according to Mr. King, though sales officially began in April.

The building also has a 1,100-square-foot ground-floor commercial berth, which an Italian company that makes gelato may lease for $125 a square foot, Mr. Keyes said. The lot, which cost $2.5 million and which used to house a gasoline station, had languished on the market for years, as other developers were turned off by its odd configuration, Mr. Keyes said. (Building on it also required the removal of four 500-gallon gas tanks.)

“But I was looking for a development opportunity,” he said, “to make a statement.” 

Resource:- https://www.nytimes.com/2007/08/12/realestate/12post.html

The New York City Nightlife Industry as an Economic and Cultural Foundation for Labor Development By Jesse Keyes

The New York City nightlife industry produces thousands of high paying service sector jobs that provide a powerful economic foundation for the city’s labor force. Moreover, nightlife venues furnish an important place of engagement for those who aim to develop human capital to enable movement outside of the industry, as well as supporting the ambitions of cooks and careerists inside the industry. While studies have looked specifically at the importance of artists in a regional economy[1] and the nature of nightlife as a “central nexus between commerce and culture,”[2] the proposed dissertation aims to understand the extent to which the nightlife economy can directly underwrite investment into and the development of labor force economic opportunity, and particularly of artistic endeavors. In so doing, this thesis will support better formation and understanding of public policies that engage with the development and operation of nightlife.

In addition to the overall historical development of New York City nightlife, the literature review component of the proposed dissertation will examine the evolution of City planning mechanisms as they relate to and have interacted with the nightlife industry. Historically, there have been many points of tension between the city’s nightlife establishments and the community; these continue to this day.[3] To better understand these tensions, and to better appreciate the ways in which planning and public policy can address them, Jesse Keyes will analyze the ways in which regulatory levers of power have developed to counter facets of nightlife establishments that create disruptions to the communities in which they are situated.

Given the planning and public policy context, developed in the literature review, of the relationship between the nightlife industry and New York City planning and public policy,  I posit three key research questions by which to study sector-wide economic aspects of the nightlife industry, while focusing in on the employee base:

How big is the industry? To date, this question has not been carefully researched. With estimates ranging from $5-$20 billion per year, it deserves closer attention.

How are nightlife venues funded? More particularly, what is the source capital for their development, and what is the nature and scope of their ongoing income streams? Understanding why and how money flows into nightlife can better illuminate the economic influences the industry has on its labor force.

How do nightlife employees spend and invest their incomes and leverage the skills they learn? An occupational approach to understanding an industry examines the skills and capabilities embedded in labor. This thesis will look to understand how human capital is developed through employment with nightlife venues.

Jesse Keyes said, A series of places where creative businesses are generated, where capital flows into “Art Worlds,” infusing artists and would-be artists with human and financial capital and market legitimacy.

[1] Ann Markusen and David King, “The Artistic Dividend: The Arts’ Hidden Contributions to Regional Development,” Project on Regional and Industrial Development (Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs, 2003).

[2] Elizabeth Currid, The Warhol Economy: How Fashion, Art and Music Drive New York City (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), 6.

[3] Kristen Demaline, “The Quality of Life in Community District 3: Nightlife Impacts,” prepared for Manhattan Community Board 3 (May, 2011).

Resources: https://jessekeyes.home.blog/2020/08/21/the-new-york-city-nightlife-industry-as-an-economic-and-cultural-foundation-for-labor-development-by-jesse-keyes/